Bangladesh in 1972: An overview of Government

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman‘s Awami League, which won a landslide victory in 1970, is probably heading for a split. The league’s amorphous ideological character has always encouraged divisive tendencies, but they have been held in check in the past by the fervent nationalism that converted the 1970 general elections into a referendum on autonomy as well as by Rahman’s charismatic personality. Both forces appear to have lost some of their compelling power, and a polarization between right and left is evident.

The breach became open on the eve of May 20 student elections at Dacca University, when the leaders of the student Chhatra League split into two groups, one dedicated to socialism through parliamentary democracy (‘Mujibism’) and the other demanding Marxist economics and a ‘revolutionary’ government. Two months later, the rival factions called separate conferences on the same day in Dacca. Rahman inaugurated the meeting favoring parliamentary government. He was flanked on the ceremonial dais by the leader of the pro-Moscow National Awami Party (NAP) and by several dignitaries of the Bangladesh Communist Party, which is also aligned with the Soviet Union.

Rahman’s plea for socialism, secularism, nationalism, and democracy was received with thunderous applause, the massive gathering roaring ‘Mujibism! Mujibism!’ each time he stood up to speak. The breach became final and Mujibism was approved as the country’s guiding philosophy.

Marxist revolutionaries are being expelled from unions and are being weeded out of the Awami League’s ranks, but the radicals are believed to be waiting only for an opportune moment to announce the formation of a new party. When that happens, many prominent Awami Leaguers are expected to defect. Up to now, opposition groups seem to have made little headway. A ‘hunger march’ staged by the pro-Peking United Front in September fizzled out, and even the well-organized NAP has only one representative in the Constituent Assembly.

 

Bangladesh in 1972: Finance

Monetary unit, taka; T1 = US$0.1325. Budget (est. 1972-1973): revenue, T2, 853.8 million; expenditure, T2, 184.3 million; surplus (including capital deficit), T588 million. Development plan (est. 1972-1973): T5, 010 million (including T3, 750 million foreign aid); agriculture, T1, 030 million; education, T437.2 million; defense, T400 million.

 

Bangladesh in 1972: Trade (1970, including trade with West Pakistan)

Bangladesh in 1972: Trade (1970, including trade with West Pakistan)

Exports, T2, 500 million (1973-1974 target, T4, 000 million); imports T1, 380 million.

Bangladesh in 1972: United States

Despite lingering resentment toward American support of Pakistan in 1971, the Bangladesh government has taken a moderate stance with respect to the United States, possibly because of U.S. aid. In the first six months of 1972, the United States contributed $267.5 million of the $800 million received from abroad. But U.S. recognition on April 4, when Bangladesh had already been recognized by 55 countries, was too late to have any dramatic effect on the country’s international status.

Bangladesh in 1972: Foreign policy

Bangladesh was admitted this year to a number of international organizations. Its United Nations application failed only because of China‘s veto in the Security Council.

 

Bangladesh in 1972: Soviet Union

It is significant that Rahman‘s first state visit outside the subcontinent was to Moscow. The Soviet Union, whose ships and minesweepers had earlier cleared the blocked roadsteads to Chittagong and Chalna Anchorage, has, in effect, agreed to underwrite the regeneration of Bangladesh. A grant of nearly $47 million was followed by a trade pact for $431.6 million; the joint communiqué with Soviet Prime Minister Aleksei N. Kosygin lent indirect support to the Brezhnev doctrine for collective security in Asia.

 

Bangladesh in 1972: Pakistan

Relations with the former parent government are understandably bitter because of the events of 1971. Rahman insists on recognition of Bangladesh‘s independence before he will discuss anything. Pakistani president Bhutto, on the other hand, is under domestic pressure to dissuade Rahman from going ahead with war crimes trials.

The situation is further complicated by minority communities who are virtually imprisoned in each other’s countries. Bhutto demands guarantees of safety for the 1.5 million Urdu-speaking Muslims (Biharis) in Bangladesh but will not have them in Pakistan. Rahman says that 400,000 Bengali civilians and 30,000 Bengalis in the Pakistani Army have been jailed in concentration camps. He wants the UN to supervise an exchange of these captive minorities and links the future of Pakistani civilians who surrendered to the joint command in Bangladesh (and are now in India) with the repatriation of his 430,000 Bangladeshis.

The deadlock appears insoluble; Dacca‘s stand perceptibly hardened after August 10 when, in spite of earlier hints to the contrary, Bhutto told his National Assembly that Bangladesh would not be recognized.

 

Bangladesh in 1972: Government

Republic with unicameral Constituent Assembly and majority party rule. Pres., Abu Syeed Choudhury; prime min., Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

 

Bangladesh in 1972: Law and order

Frequent labor strikes, riots, and murders indicate that only Rahman‘s personal influence underwrites stability in Bangladesh. The basic problem is the peacetime role of the Mukti Bahini (liberation fighters). All through the turbulence of 1971, 150,000 guerrillas probably had as many as 200,000 unlicensed weapons, some seized from the Pakistani army and others acquired in India. About 30,000 men, organized into the Niyamita (regular) Bahini, fought along with the Indian army; the rest—Gana (people’s) Bahini—defended villages on their own. In addition, lone operators ran their private armies, and the political parties had their armed forces. The Awami League‘s crack Mujib Bahini, believed to have received professional training in India, was estimated to have more than 60,000 men.

Rahman’s appeals to such forces to disband and surrender their weapons have not been very effective. Many weapons have been handed over, but at least 20,000 rifles, light machine guns, and mortars are believed to have gone underground. A new private army, called the Lal Bahini (red guards), was formed in April with 110,000 members; there are also at least half a dozen armed Marxist-Leninist groups operating in ‘liberated zones.’ About 5,000 Maoist rebels were arrested in July, and Rahman warns that Marxist-Leninists will be shot on sight. But the government’s 250,000-man militia has proved itself quite unable to maintain the peace.

Industrial anarchy is, perhaps, even more explosive. Over 100 people were killed in Khulna factory riots in June, and the Narayanganj jute mill (the biggest in Bangladesh) shut down in August after bloody battles between workers.

Bangladesh in 1972: India

Since independence, India has poured massive funds into the war-torn country. Aid commitments for 1972 and 1973 were $275 million, and India had provided 52 percent of Bangladesh‘s food by March. Visiting Calcutta in February, Rahman pledged the two countries to eternal friendship; the bond was formalized when a 25-year peace treaty on the Soviet pattern was signed during Mrs. Indira Gandhi‘s Dacca visit.

The donor-recipient relationship is not without strain, though critics of India are still confined to pro-Peking politicians and fanatical Muslim parties. Anti-Indian slogans have been heard; ‘Down with Indian expansionism’ posters appeared on the walls of Dacca University during the student elections.

Rahman has given warning that India and Pakistan cannot settle the future of Pakistani prisoners of war without Bangladesh. His insistence on putting 1,500 Pakistanis to trial for war crimes—and India’s discreet efforts to restrain him—could disrupt a relationship which is still delicately poised. Dacca’s decision to set up over 200 border check posts and impose passport and visa restrictions on Indian visitors suggests a cautious edging away from 1971′s rapturous unity.